Agri-Pulse farm bill preview: Key issues and proposals for each title

Editor's note: This preview of farm bill issues will be updated periodically with new proposals. 

The House and Senate Agriculture Committees are still several months away from voting on a new farm bill, but the major issues in each of the 12 titles are coming into focus even as lawmakers continue offering new proposals they’d like to see included.

The bill is setting up to be more evolutionary than revolutionary, reflecting in part farm groups’ satisfaction with the structure of the 2018 farm bill, as well as the tight budget environment and divided Congress. 

Plus, the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act pumped $17 billion into farm bill conservation programs with additional funding for clean energy and forestry programs that were priorities for President Joe Biden’s climate policy. 

The 2018 farm bill was “very effective” ‘and tried and tested under some difficult circumstances,” including the trade war with China and COVID-19 pandemic,” House Agriculture Committee Chairman Glenn “GT” Thompson, R-Pa., said in an Agri-Pulse Open Mic interview. 

“All of it’s going to get critical analysis to make sure that we don't miss an opportunity for refinement. But … what's the old adage? If it's not broken, don't fix it,” Thompson said. 

Still, Thompson and the top Republican on the Senate Agriculture Committee, John Boozman of Arkansas, have pledged to provide for or some kind of increase in Price Loss Coverage reference prices. There also are an array of issue that while relatively small in the grand scheme of the $1.5 trillion bill are important to key sectors, including producers of fruits, vegetables and other specialty crops who are looking to the farm bill in part to expand their crop insurance options and also help accelerate automation.

Ferd Hoefner, farm policy consultant

Advocates of major farm bill reform "likely believe that this is not the right farm bill to move very far to achieve their ends," said Ferd Hoefner, a farm policy consultant and former policy director for the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition. 

But Hoefner sees the potential for a fight with long-term implications over bringing IRA funding into the farm bill in order to ensure that it can be used to permanently increase funding levels for conservation programs. "The ability to turn short term IRA funding into long term farm bill funding could yield an additional $60-plus billion dollars in future farm bill baseline looking out over the horizon of the next five or so farm bills toward agriculture's net zero goal by 2050," he said.

Here is a description of each of the 12 titles as well as a summary of the major issues in play and a listing of notable measures, known as marker bills, that lawmakers have introduced for possible inclusion in the farm bill.

Title I: Commodity

What it does: Authorizes income-support programs — including the Agriculture Risk Coverage and Price Loss Coverage programs for grains, oilseeds, cotton and pulse crops — and the Dairy Margin Coverage program for milk producers. Disaster assistance programs for livestock producers and the Noninsured Crop Disaster Assistance Program (NAP) also are included in the title, as well as the Tree Assistance Program to help orchards and nurseries replant and rehabilitate damaged trees, bushes and vines. 

What it costs: $69 billion, or 5%, of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033, according to the latest Congressional Budget Office forecast as analyzed by the Congressional Research Service. 

What’s in play: Under pressure from commodity groups, the Republican leaders of the House and Senate Agriculture Committees have pledged to provide some increase in PLC reference prices. Under PLC, payments to farmers are triggered when the average market price for the year falls below the reference price. Commodity groups argue the reference prices don’t reflect recent increases in market prices, despite an escalator provision that allowed the reference prices to rise by as much as 15% when the five-year average of market prices increases. The challenge for lawmakers is not only to find the money to address reference prices but to raise them in a way that doesn’t pit commodities and regions against one another. 

Some House Ag Committee members also would like to allow an update of PLC and ARC base acreage that would allow farmers without base to get into the programs. PLC and ARC payments are tied to historical cropping patterns rather than actual plantings. 

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Payment eligibility rules will almost certainly be an issue on the House and Senate floor when amendments are debated. Leading the charge again in the Senate will be Iowa Republican Chuck Grassley, who has long called for tightening the definition of being “actively engaged” in farming, a requirement for receiving payments. There also are proposals to modify the $900,000 limit on adjusted gross income for eligible producers. 

The National Milk Producers Federation says dairy producers should be allowed to update the production histories used for DMC coverage. 

There had been some discussion about creating a permanent disaster assistance program but that has died down. There are several proposals in play to liberalize rules for the disaster assistance programs, including NAP and the Tree Assistance Program.

House Republicans also have eyed USDA's Commodity Credit Corp. account as a potential source of funding for the farm bill. Reinstating restrictions on USDA's use of the CCC that were in place before the Donald Trump administration would save an estimated $1 billion a year, according to the Congressional Budget Office. The restrictions face stiff Democratic opposition, however. 

A handful of House progressive are proposing a sweeping overhaul of farm programs, the Food and Farm Act, which would eliminate the two primary income-support programs for row crops, Agriculture Risk Coverage and Price Loss Coverage, and increase conservation compliance requirements, which apply to crop insurance and conservation assistance as well as commodity programs. As of early July, The bill introduced by Rep. Earl Blumenauer, D-Ore., has just five co-sponsors, all Democrats.

Notable marker bills: 

S.2097 — Bipartisan proposal led by Sen. John Hoeven, R-N.D., to adjust rules for the Livestock Forage Disaster Program (LFP) and the Emergency Assistance for Livestock, Honeybees, and Farm-Raised Fish (ELAP).

S.2035 — Proposal by Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., to expand coverage under the Noninsured Crop Disaster Assistance Program for crops and grasses used for grazing. 

H.R.1020 — The BAITS Act, sponsored by Rep. Barry Moore, R-Ala., would expand the Livestock Indemnity Program (LIP) to producers of farm-raised fish.

H.R.1824 — The Food and Farm Act, led by Rep. Earl Blumenauer, D-Ore., would impose sweeping new limits on commodity subsidies and tighten eligibility rules, cutting the AGI limit from $900,000 to $400,000.

Title II: Conservation 

What it does: Authorizes and provides mandatory funding for conservation programs. They include the Conservation Reserve Program, which pays landowners to retire environmentally sensitive acreage; the Environmental Quality Incentives Program, which provides cost-share assistance for practices, equipment and structures that address natural resource concerns; and the Conservation Stewardship Program, which provides annual payments to farmers who undertake conservation practices. 

The Regional Conservation Partnership Program funds public-private projects. The Agricultural Conservation Easement Program pays landowners for protecting wetlands or preventing development of farmland.

Both EQIP and CSP have been oversubscribed in recent years, despite EQIP receiving a 10-year budget increase of more than $1 billion in the 2018 farm bill.

The conservation programs were projected to cost $59.7 billion over 10 years under the 2018 farm bill. EQIP, CSP, RCPP and ACEP received a total of $17 billion in additional new funding in 2022 through the Inflation Reduction Act for promotion of climate-smart farming practices. Under the budget reconciliation rules used to pass the IRA, the funding must be distributed by the end of fiscal 2031.

What it costs: Not counting the IRA funding, $60 billion, or 4%, of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What's in play: The biggest issue by far is whether to bring the IRA funding into the farm bill. The money could then be reallocated so that it could provide a permanent increase in funding for conservation programs beyond the 2031 cutoff date imposed by the budget reconciliation rules. 

Senate Agriculture Committee Chairwoman Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., would have to go along with moving the IRA money into the farm bill. She has insisted the funding remain dedicated to increasing adaptation of climate-related practices. The committee’s ranking Republican, John Boozman of Arkansas, has said he respects that “red line.”

The Conservation Reserve Program, which wasn’t touched by the IRA, will likely receive some attention. Republicans on the House Agriculture Committee are considering a number of major changes to the program, including eliminating the program's national acreage cap in lieu of an overall limit on funding and giving state Farm Service Agency offices the authority to determine how many acres could be enrolled within their borders in the General, Grasslands and Continuous sign-ups. 

Some producers would also like to see CRP payment rates increased for the southern and western Plains to attract more acreage under CRP’s general signup. Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., argues the rates are too low.

On the other hand, Sens. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, and Cory Booker, D-N.J., have called for reducing the overall acreage cap from 27 million acres to 24 million acres while increasing payments for more environmentally sensitive tracts that can be enrolled through rules of the Continuous CRP signup. Enrollment in CRP Grasslands and Continuous programs has been steadily increasing in recent years, while general CRP enrollment has declined in recent years, according to University of Illinois economists. 

Other things to watch out for include a push by Prairie Pothole Republicans to do away with the NRCS’s ability to enter into permanent easement agreements, an effort to increase funding for the Conservation Stewardship Program, and a proposal to create a small farm subprogram under EQIP. 

Notable marker bills: 

S.1509 — The Conservation Reserve Program Reform Act, led by Booker and Grassley.

S.174 — The Conservation Reserve Program Improvement Act, led by Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., would permanently establish the State Acres for Wildlife Enhancement initiative under Continuous CRP and increase the CRP annual rental payment limitation from $50,000 to $125,000.

H.R.4800 — Bipartisan proposal led by Rep. Jimmy Panetta, D-Calif., to exempt producers from means testing for conservation programs, if most of their income is from agriculture. 

H.R.2975 — A bill led by Rep. Kim Schrier, D-Wash., to permanently authorize the State Acres For Wildlife Enhancement initiative. 

H.R.3779 — A bill by Rep. Thomas Tiffany, R-Wis., would impose a one-year moratorium on CRP enrollment and restrict the type of land that could be put in the program after that. 

S.1365 and H.R.2942 — The Conservation Reserve Program Amendments Act, proposed by Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Scott Franklin, R-Fla., would allow enrollment of citrus acreage. 

H.R.4425 — The Food and Farm Act, a sweeping proposal led by Rep. Earl Blumenauer, D-Ore., would, among other things, bar concentrated animal feeding operations from EQIP and prioritize EQIP for projects that “demonstrably improve the quality of the environment.”

S.1078 — The NRCS Wetland Compliance and Appeals Reform Act, led by Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., would bar the Natural Resources Conservation Service from signing permanent easements and would require USDA to establish state oversight committees to oversee appeals of wetland determinations. 

H.R. 1459 — The Precise Act, led by Rep. Ashley Hinson, R-Iowa, would increase EQIP and CSP assistance for precision agriculture technology. 

H.R. 708 — The Climate Agricultural Conservation Practices Act, led by Julia Brownley, D-Calif., would require NRCS to consider climate concerns in revising conservation practice standards.

S.658 — The EQIP Improvement Act, led by Booker and Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, would eliminate the requirement that 50% of EQIP funding go to livestock operations and reduce the payment limit from $450,000 to $150,000.

S.2180 — A proposal led by Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., to create a small farm subprogram under EQIP.

S.2412 — The Conservation Reserve Program Flexibility Act, led by Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., would allow the USDA to permit emergency haying of land in the CRP program before the primary nesting season begins if certain conditions are met.

S.2250 and H.R.4902 — The Voluntary Groundwater Conservation Act would add voluntary groundwater easements into the Agricultural Conservation Easements Program. Producers could agree to reduce their groundwater use through these contracts in exchange for compensation based on the value of their water rights.

H.R.4800 — The Growing Access To Environmental Sustainability Act would exempt producers that get 75% of their income from farming, agri-tourism, or other agricultural-related activities from Adjusted Gross Income limitations in CRP, EQIP and CSP.

Title III: Trade 

What it does: Promotes U.S. agricultural commodities to new and expanding foreign markets and provides international food and agricultural aid to mitigate the damage of foreign disasters as well as bring relief and stability to countries struggling to feed their people. 

What it costs:  $5 billion, less than 1% of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: Congress consolidated USDA’s export promotion programs under the Agricultural Trade Promotion and Facilitation Program in the 2018 farm bill. Now, a broad array of commodity groups are calling for increased funding for two of those programs – the Market Access Program (MAP) and the Foreign Market Development (FMD). Lawmakers in both the House and Senate have proposed bills to double the funding.

While MAP allows USDA and farm groups to share the costs of marketing and promotional activities that help build commercial export markets for U.S. agricultural products, FMD helps U.S. farm groups pay for their presence in international markets. The last time Congress increased funding for MAP was in 2006, and for FMD in 2004.

Some lawmakers are pushing to end any use of Food for Peace funding for cash assistance rather than distribution of U.S.-grown commodities. A proposal led by Rep. Tracey Mann, R-Kan., would also require that at least half of Food for Peace funding be used for commodities and ocean shipping. Humanitarian groups strongly oppose the legislation, saying the prohibition on cash assistance could deprive aid to millions.

Notable marker bills:

H.R.648 and S.176 – Bipartisan proposals led by Rep. Dan Newhouse, R-Wash., and Sen.. Angus King, I-Maine, to double mandatory funding for MAP to $400 million and FMD to $69 million.

H.R.4293 – The American Farmers Feed the World Act, led by Rep. Tracey Mann, R-Kan., would restrict Food for Peace – also known as P.L. 480 Title II – to providing U.S-grown food. 

https://www.fca.gov/bank-oversight/about-banks-and-associations

Title IV: Nutrition

What it does: Reauthorizes the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and other nutrition assistance programs. SNAP has long accounted for the lion’s share of spending under the farm bill, and its price tag has nearly doubled from the enactment of the 2018 farm bill, when its 10-year cost was estimated at $664 billion, to the latest 10-year forecast of $1.2 trillion.

The title also reauthorizes food distributions, including The Emergency Food Assistance Program (TEFAP), which provides products to food banks, and several small nutrition assistance programs. Those include the Farmers’ Market Nutrition Program and the Gus Schumacher Nutrition Incentive Program (GusNIP). 

School meal programs are largely funded through other legislation, but USDA’s fresh fruit and vegetable program for schools is funded through this section of the farm bill.

What it costs: Nearly 84% of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: Congress already had an ugly battle over work requirements during the debt ceiling bill negotiations, which resulted in expanding the requirements from 49-year-olds to 54-year-olds but also added new exemptions for veterans, homeless individuals and foster children graduating out of the system. Amendments may still come up during the farm bill related to work requirements, but Republicans may also push for tightening rules for states to get waivers from the work rules. 

(AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh) | (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh)

Another hot issue heading into the farm bill debate is USDA’s update of the Thrifty Food Plan, which is used to calculate SNAP benefits, following language in the last farm bill. Senate Republicans have been particularly upset with the process USDA used to make those changes, as many assumed the changes would be budget-neutral. While a few House conservatives would like to claw back the $256 billion estimated cost increase of the TFP change, House Republicans are likely to focus more on imposing guardrails around future TFP updates. 

Some lawmakers want to allow SNAP benefits to be used for hot foods such as rotisserie chickens. But those products can be costly, and it could be tricky to avoid picking winners or losers in the deli case, a House Republican aide says. Still, the bill might allow the idea to be tested. USDA has allowed SNAP purchases of hot foods after natural disasters. 

GusNIP has gotten increased attention from advocates of “food is medicine,” the idea that good nutrition can improve health outcomes, but Senate Ag Committee Chairwoman Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., is playing down the prospects for a funding increase. 

Notable marker bills:

S.1488 — The EATS Act of 2023, not to be confused with a bill by the same name introduced by Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., is the Enhance Access to SNAP Act of 2023, introduced by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y. It would permanently allow college students enrolled half-time or more to get SNAP benefits. 

S.1485 — The Healthy SNAP Act of 2023, proposed by Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., would bar purchases of junk food with SNAP benefits. 

H.R.1550 and S.1062 — The Jobs and Opportunities for SNAP Act of 2023, led by Rep. Jake LaTurner, R-Kan., and Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., would expand work requirements to adults up to age 65 and parents with dependents under 7 years of age. 

H.R.3474 and S.1036 — Proposals led by Rep. Suzanne Bonamici, D-Ore., and Sen. Bob Casey, D-Pa., to increase the minimum monthly SNAP benefit for all participants and simplify the application and certification process for nutrition programs. 

S.497 and H.R.1763 — Military Family Nutrition Access Act of 2023, led by Sen. Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., and Jimmy Panetta, D-Calif., would exclude military housing allowances from income when determining eligibility for SNAP.

S.949 and H.R.253 — The Puerto Rico Nutrition Assistance Act, introduced by Gillibrand and Jennifer González-Colón, Puerto Rico’s resident commissioner in Congress, would make the territory eligible as a state in SNAP. Food assistance in Puerto Rico and other territories is funded through block grants. 

S.2210 — The Rubio-proposed SNAP Education Allocation Modernization Act of 2023 would increase funding for nutrition education and obesity prevention. 

S.1474 — The Dairy Nutrition Incentive Program Act of 2023, led by Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., to incentivize SNAP purchases of milk, cheese and yogurt by expanding the Health Fluid Milk Incentives Program. 

H.R.3037 and S.1336 — The Closing the Meal Gap Act of 2023, led by Rep. Alma Adams, D-N.C., and Gillibrand, to change how SNAP benefits are calculated from the Thrifty Food Plan to the Low-Cost Food Plan.

H.R.4149 and S.2015 — Proposal by Rep. Lisa Blunt Rochester, D-Del., and Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., to increase funding for GusNIP. 

Title V: Credit

What it does: Authorizes lending by USDA’s Farm Service Agency, modifies rules for the Farm Credit System, and authorizes the State Agricultural Loan Mediation Program. 

According to the Congressional Research Service, FSA provides about $13 billion of direct loans and guarantees another $17 billion in loans made by Farm Credit institutions and commercial banks. Direct USDA operating loans are capped at $400,000 while direct ownership loans are limited to $600,000. Guaranteed operating and ownership loans are capped at $1.8 million. Microloans are capped at $50,000.

The Farm Credit System, a government-sponsored enterprise, is regulated by the Farm Credit Administration under rules somewhat different from commercial banks and is largely restricted to lending to agricultural entities, producers and harvesters of aquatic products, farmer-owned agricultural processing facilities, farm-related businesses, ag cooperatives, rural utilities, and rural home buyers.  

What's in play: Several farm groups as well as the Farm Credit Council and representatives of the commercial banking sector have called for increasing FSA loan limits, citing inflation and rising land prices. 

Representatives of the Farm Credit Council asked the Senate Agriculture Committee to allow farm credit associations to boost investments in rural community facilities, including hospitals, rural clinics and skilled nursing facilities. 

As part of a pilot program that expired in 2014, Farm Credit financed community facility projects (hospitals, senior care centers, walk-in clinics, schools, childcare facilities, etc.) authorized by the FCA. Today, the FCA Board of Directors must provide specific and individual approval for each community facility investment made by each Farm Credit institution. The FCC argues that this is an inefficient approach to investing in community facilities and wants Congress to clarify their authority and encourage partnerships on these projects with community banks.

The Farm Credit Council also wants to ensure all of their system lenders can make loans for fishing-related businesses such as lobster boat builders, marine engine repair businesses and bait suppliers.

The Independent Community Bankers Association has told lawmakers to keep the Farm Credit System restricted to farm lending. 

The National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition says lenders making guaranteed loans should be required to follow FSA loan servicing regulations and meet target participation rates for beginning and socially disadvantaged farmers. 

Notable marker bills: 

H.R.2423 — A bipartisan proposal led by Rep. Brad Finstad, R-Minn., would require Farm Credit System institutions to ask borrowers who are small farmers to provide their race, sex, and ethnicity. 

H.R.4736 — Bill led by Rep. Michelle Fischbach, R-Minn., to allow Farm Credit institutions to finance community facilities. 

H.R.1495 and S.719 — The Farm Service Agency Loan Program Act, led by Rep. Randy Feenstra, R-Iowa, and Sen. Deb Fischer, R-Neb., would create a USDA loan program for helping farmers purchase precision agriculture equipment.

H.R. 3139 — Feenstra's The Credit for Our Rural Economy (Acre) Act would allow community banks to make agricultural real estate loans with tax exempt status on earned interest. Some home mortgages also would be eligible. 

S. 1756 - A bipartisan proposal by Sens. Angus King, I-Maine, and Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska. to allow fishing-related businesses to borrow from Farm Credit System lenders. 

Title VI: Rural Development 

What it does: Authorizes USDA programs tailored toward fostering growth and services for residents of rural areas and includes the Rural Utilities Service, which oversees rural power and telecommunications programs. Other energy programs, including the Rural Energy for America Program, are in the energy title. 

Other programs in this title authorize grant and loan programs for rural businesses, health care, and water and wastewater systems. 

Most programs in the rural development title are funded through the annual appropriations process based on authorization levels set in the farm bill.

What’s in play: While the rural development title contains programs that deal with broadband programs, the USDA’s ReConnect program has not been one of them. It was first authorized as a pilot program in 2018 and has been funded through subsequent appropriations bills and the 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law. 

Some lawmakers are proposing reauthorizing ReConnect in the farm bill and merging it with the existing Rural Broadband Program. Among other things, the bipartisan Rural Internet Improvement Act would also limit funding to areas where at least 90% of households lack access to broadband service. 

Notable marker bills: 

H.R.3216 and S.130 — Rural Internet Improvement Act of 2023, a bipartisan proposal led by Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., and Kat Cammack, R-Fla., to reauthorize the ReConnect program. 

H.R.4227 and S. 1642 — Bills proposed by Rep. Zach Nunn, R-Iowa, and Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vt., establishing ReConnect Program under the Rural Electrification Act.

S.1079 — Assistance for Rural Water Systems Act, led by Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., to provide low- and zero-interest loans, loan forgiveness and loan refinancing for rural water and wastewater systems. 

H.R. 922 — Proposal by Rep. Harriet Hageman, R-Wyo., intended to restrict RUS grants or loans that would overbuild or duplicate existing broadband networks.

H.R.3595 and S.1580 — Bipartisan proposal led by Rep. Chris Stewart, R-Utah, and Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, D-Nev., to make it easier for rural communities in areas with significant amounts of public lands to compete for grants.

S.1867 and H.R.3922 — The bipartisan Expanding Childcare in Rural America Act, which would authorize USDA to carry out an initiative to develop, expand, and improve rural child care.

Title VII Research 

What it does: Authorizes the principal research, education, and extension authorities, addressing both extramural and intramural activities. USDA's National Institute of Food and Agriculture, for example, administers extramural programs by providing capacity funding to land-grant institutions. It also provides funding under competitive grant programs.

What it costs: $1.3 billion of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: Ag research supporters warn that funding in the U.S. has been falling for years — by one-third since 2002 — which has had the effect of ceding primacy in the space to international competitors, especially China, which is now the largest funder of research in the world.

Dozens of groups want to see $8 billion in mandatory funding in the title, which would be a switch from the standard practice of simply reauthorizing programs and funding them through annual appropriations. An exception is the Foundation for Food and Agriculture Research, which uses its direct farm bill funding ($185 million in the 2018 farm bill) to leverage private funds. 

Land-grant universities have been especially vocal about getting money to fix aging research facilities that have become obstacles both to scientific advancement and to the ability of institutions to attract students. 

The Specialty Crop Farm Bill Alliance is seeking funding for a number of priorities, including $20 million annually for automation research and $50 million annually for the IR-4 Project, which is aimed at developing alternative pest management solutions.

Notable marker bills:

S.98 - The Agriculture Innovation Act of 2023, led by Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., would require USDA to analyze the producer data it collects to assess the impact of farming practices on crop yields, soil health and farm profitability. 

H.R.4135 – The AuGmenting Research and Educational Sites to Ensure Agriculture Remains Cutting-edge and Helpful Act, or the AG RESEARCH Act, led by Rep. Kim Schrier, D-Wash., would require $1 billion in mandatory spending and authorize another $1 billion in appropriations over five years for infrastructure grants to agricultural research facilities.

H.R.2720 — The Strengthening Organic Agricultural Research (SOAR) Act of 2023, led by Rep. Dan Newhouse, R-Wash., would increase funding for the Organic Agriculture Research and Extension Initiative (OREI) through the life of the farm bill. 

S.834 and H.R. 2385 — The ACE Agriculture Act, led by Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., and Rep. Jimmy Panetta, D-Calif., would elevate the role of the Agricultural Advanced Research Projects Agency, which is authorized by Congress but yet to be created by USDA. The bill would double the authorized funding level to $100 million annually.

Title VIII: Forestry

What it does: Authorizes programs that allow the Forest Service to carry out forest health activities on the 193 million acres of national forests, an area about the size of Texas. 

The Canadian wildfires that have spread smoke across the Midwest and eastern United States have brought home the threat of wildfires to regions that usually don’t see their results. The National Interagency Fire Center estimates that federal suppression costs totalled nearly $4.4 billion in 2021, well more than $1 billion higher than the previous record. The Forest Service’s share of that was $3.7 billion, also a record. 

What’s in play: The forestry title looks to be relatively non-controversial. A fairly diverse set of about three dozen groups, from the Society of American Foresters to Defenders of Wildlife, have endorsed a broad swath of recommendations centered on a science-based approach. 

“We support reforestation and afforestation efforts where ecologically appropriate but want to make sure that decisionmakers and the public understand the importance of ongoing maintenance of new and existing trees and forests – including monitoring, thinning, fuels reduction activities, and other management to optimize the suite of ecosystem services (including carbon sequestration and storage) that they provide,” says SAF spokesperson Danielle Watson.

Another request from stakeholders is to expand the Good Neighbor Authority that facilitates cooperation in timber projects on federal lands, to allow state and other partners to use revenue generated by those projects to pay for projects on non-federal lands. Groups also want to modify the the Conservation Reserve Program to allow landowners who planted trees using the program to re-enroll in CRP even if they harvest them. 

Notable marker bills:

S.540 and H.R. 1236 – The Protect the West Act of 2023, led by Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., and Rep. Jason Crow, D-Colo., would provide $20 billion in grants to state and local governments, tribes, special districts, and nonprofits to support restoration, drought resilience, and fire mitigation projects. Another $40 billion would go to a Restoration and Resilience Partnership Program. 

S.1853 – Bennet's Healthy Forests Restoration Act would increase authorized funding levels for the Water Source Protection Program and the Watershed Condition Framework.

S.808 – The Expediting Forest Restoration and Recovery Act of 2023 proposed by Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., would expedite hazardous fuel or insect and disease risk reduction projects in national forests.

Title IX: Energy

What it does: The 2018 farm bill was the fourth to contain an energy title, with total spending estimated at $428 million over the life of the legislation, or 0.1% of the total cost, according to the Congressional Research Service. 

What it costs: Not counting IRA funding, $500 million of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: The bulk of the funding, 87%, goes to the popular Rural Energy for America Program (REAP) and the Biorefinery, Renewable Chemical and Biobased Product Manufacturing Assistance program. 

REAP, which provides loans and grants for renewable energy and energy efficiency projects, got $250 million over five years and then $2 billion in funding from the Inflation Reduction Act. The IRA money must be spent before fiscal 2032 under the budget reconciliation rules used to pass that legislation. House Republicans are trying to use the fiscal 2024 appropriations process to reduce the IRA funding and limit its use to loans. 

Three other programs have no funding beyond 2023: Biorefinery Assistance, the Bioengineered Program for Advanced Biofuels and the Biobased Markets Program, according to the Congressional Research Service.

The title has long been a priority for Senate Agriculture Committee Chairwoman Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., who is not running for re-election in 2024. 

Notable marker bills:

S.1495 – The HEAT Act, led by Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vt., would allow REAP to be used for industrial heat pumps.

Title X: Horticulture

What it does: A small title — CBO-projected outlays for 2019-2023 totaled $1 billion, or less than 0.5% of total projected farm bill spending — it is nonetheless significant, dealing with fruit, vegetable, tree nut and nursery crops, as well as hemp production, which was legalized in the 2018 bill. It also covers organic farming and certification.

What it costs: $2.1 billion of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: Persistent labor shortages have put a focus on automation and mechanization research that could help create long-term solutions. To that end, House lawmakers have introduced a bill that would set up a program at USDA focused on technology.

The Specialty Crop Farm Bill Alliance noted that 17 of the 20 most popular fruits and vegetables still require hand harvesting, which results in higher grower production costs and higher prices for consumers. “In addition, domestic labor is increasingly limited due to an aging workforce.”

The alliance called for a funding increase in the Specialty Crop Block Grant program, from the current level of $85 million per year to $100 million. In addition, the Organic Trade Association is asking for a 10% annual increase in the current $24 million funding level for the National Organic Program.

OTA also would like to see an update to the Organic Foods Production Act to set up a “preplanned, predictable timeline (no less than once every five years) to review and update the organic standards to meet consumer expectations in the evolving marketplace.”

Notable marker bills

S.1582 — The Opportunities in Organic Act was introduced in the Senate by Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vt., and in the House by Reps. Jimmy Panetta, D-Calif., and Alma Adams, D-N.C. It would authorize USDA to make cost-share payments for organic certification up to $1,500 or more.

H.R.4173 — Introduced by Rep. Doug LaMalfa, R-Calif., and three other lawmakers, the bill would require development of a specialty crop mechanization and automation initiative.

H.R.2723 and S.1205 - The Local Farms and Food Act, led by Rep. Chellie Pingree, D-Maine, and Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, to expand access to the Local Agriculture Market Program, Gus Schumacher Nutrition Incentive Program (GusNIP), and the Senior Farmers Market Nutrition Program.

H.R.679 — From Rep. Kim Schrier, D-Wash., the bill would authorize USDA to waive the matching funds requirement for grants under the National Institute of Food and Agriculture’s Specialty Crop Research Initiative. The bill has 24 co-sponsors.

S.980, H.R.3755 — The Industrial Hemp Act, introduced by Sens. Jon Tester, D-Mont., and Mike Braun, R-Ind., and Reps. Matt Rosendale, R-Mont., and Chrissy Houlahan, D-Pa., the bill would, say the senators, “exempt farmers exclusively growing industrial hemp from the burdensome background checks and costly sampling and testing protocols required for farmers growing cannabinoid hemp."

Title XI: Crop Insurance

What it does: The federal crop insurance program, which now provides coverage for livestock and dairy producers, as well as crops, is permanently authorized, but this title can make modifications to rules or require USDA to create pilot programs. Premiums are subsidized, and private insurance companies share the risk of losses with the government. The policies provide indemnities when yields or revenue fall below guaranteed levels. 

Section 508(h) of the Federal Crop Insurance Act already authorizes private companies to develop new insurance products, but they have to be actuarially sound and approved by USDA. 

What it costs: $101 billion, or 7%, of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: The program continues to grow significantly because of new products that have been especially attractive to livestock and dairy producers. However, producers of specialty crops, defined in law as “fruits and vegetables, tree nuts, dried fruits and horticulture and nursery crops, including floriculture,” are lobbying Congress for rules changes to address a variety of issues that limit participation in many areas. Among the issues is how to cover crops for which there is little publicly available data. 

There also are pending proposals to fix specific concerns with coverage for wheat, wine grapes and other crops.

Some lawmakers are pushing ideas for tying crop insurance more closely to climate concerns. A bipartisan proposal, the COVER Act, would revive a $5-per-acre premium subsidy program for growers who plant cover crops. USDA offered the payments in 2020 and 2021, using pandemic funding. 

Policymakers and farm groups continue to wrestle with ideas for making the Whole Farm Revenue Protection program more appealing to farmers, and to insurance agents who are often reluctant to market the complex product. Whole Farm was designed to appeal to diversified operations and specialty crop producers, but participation has been disappointing. USDA doubled the annual coverage limit to $17 million, but some specialty crop producers say that’s not high enough. 

Notable marker bills

S.1690, H.R.3478 — COVER Act of 2023, led by Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, in the Senate and Rep. Sean Casten, D-Ill., in the House would provide premium subsidies for cover crops, with mandatory funding starting at $60 million a year.

H.R.1840, S.1016 — The Agriculture Resilience Act of 2023, led by Chellie Pingree, D-Maine, and Sen. Martin Heinrich, D-N.M., would make broad changes to commodity, crop insurance, research and other programs to address the impact of climate change. USDA would be authorized to offer performance-based insurance discounts for practices that reduce risk of damage from climate-related disasters. 

S.1539 — American Prairie Conservation Act, led by Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., would reduce crop insurance coverage nationwide for new cropland converted from native sod. The restriction is now limited to the Prairie Pothole region. 

S.2104 — Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., proposal to allow for the separation of enterprise units by continuous and fallow cropping systems, an issue for wheat growers.

S.1816 — Proposal by Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., to require research and development of an insurance policy for mushrooms.

S.2134 — Proposal by Sen. Alex Padilla, D-Calif., to require research and development of an insurance policy for wine grape losses due to smoke exposure.

Title XII: Miscellaneous

What it does: It’s a catchall title for issues that don’t fit in the other eleven, and typically provisions dealing with livestock and animal welfare or reorganization of USDA wind up here. 

What it costs: $800 million of the projected 10-year cost of farm bill programs through 2033.

What’s in play: As with recent farm bills, the livestock industry has asked for support from Congress in the farm bill to support disease response and prevention. 

The Foreign Animal Disease Prevention, Surveillance, and Rapid Response Act of 2023 has been introduced in both the House and Senate to fund foreign animal disease prevention programs at $233 million a year. Another bill introduced in both chambers, the SAFE Act of 2023, not to be confused with the SAFE Act that would ban horse slaughter, would allow USDA to negotiate regionalization agreements to limit the impact of foreign restrictions on U.S. exports after disease outbreaks.

Animal welfare issues also will be in play again this year. House Agriculture Chairman Glenn “GT” Thompson, R-Pa., wants to use the farm bill to preempt California’s Proposition 12 and other state laws that attempt to regulate how food animals are raised. The Ending Agricultural Trade Suppression (EATS) Act would bar states from mandating animal production standards for products sold within their borders. 

There also are pending proposals in Congress to prohibit cockfighting, require USDA to toughen its enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act and permanently ban horse slaughter, extending a prohibition that has been part of USDA’s annual appropriations bills for years. 

Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., is sponsoring a number of bills that pose challenges to the animal agriculture sector and could wind up being offered as floor amendments. They include the Opportunities for Fairness in Farming Act of 2023, or OFF Act, that would tighten regulations on commodity checkoff programs. A similar bill has been introduced in the House. 

The battle over foreign ownership of U.S. agricultural land may also find its way into the farm bill. A series of bills have been introduced that seek in some ways to restrict purchases of U.S. land or to improve reporting on land acquisitions. The Protecting America’s Agricultural Land from Foreign Harm Act of 2023, for example, would prohibit the purchase or lease of U.S. agricultural land by individuals associated with China, Iran, North Korea or the Russian Federation. 

Notable marker bills:

H.R.3419 and S.1666 — The Foreign Animal Disease Prevention, Surveillance, and Rapid Response Act of 2023, a bipartisan proposal led by Rep. Ronny Jackson, R-Texas, and Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., to reauthorize USDA's animal disease prevention and management programs.

S.926 and H.R.3357 — The Protecting America’s Agricultural Land from Foreign Harm Act of 2023 led by Sen. Mike Braun, R-Ind., and Rep. Dale Strong, R-Ala., would ban the sale of U.S. agricultural land to people associated with some foreign governments, including China’s.

H.R.809 — The Prohibition of Agricultural Land for the People’s Republic of China Act, sponsored by Rep. Dan Newhouse, R-Wash., to prohibit the sale of U.S. ag land to “nonresident aliens, foreign businesses, or any agent, trustee, or fiduciary associated with the Government of the People’s Republic of China.”

H.R.513 — FARM Act, led by Rep. Ronny Jackson, R-Texas, would add USDA to the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. 

S.1613 and H.R.3984 — The Feral Swine Eradication Act, led by Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, and Rep. Barry Moore, R-Ala., would reauthorize USDA’ feral swine education and control pilot program with modifications. H.R.714 – A proposal by Rep. Monica De La Cruz, R-Texas, to extend the program to 2028.

H.R.1788 — Goldie’s Act, led by Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., would strengthen enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act by requiring more frequent inspections of dog breeders and other operations.   

H.R.3475 — The bipartisan Save America's Forgotten Equines (SAFE) Act, led by Rep. Vern Buchanan, R-Fla., would ban horse slaughter. Sen. Robert Menendez, D-N.J., is sponsoring a similar bill, S.2037.

S.1529 — The FIGHT Act of 2023, sponsored by Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., would prohibit cockfighting. 

S.1512 — DIRECT Act of 2023, led by Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., would allow interstate sales of certain state-inspected meat and poultry. 

S.907 and H.R.2814 — The PRIME Act would permit meat processed at custom slaughterhouses to be sold to grocery stores, restaurants, hotels and directly to consumers without federal inspection if it's sold in the state in which it's processed.

S.747 and H.R.1517 — Relief for Farmers Hit with PFAS Act would fund grant programs administered by states to monitor PFAS contamination on farms and provide relocation assistance to affected producers. 

S.346 — The Meat and Poultry Special Investigator Act of 2023 would establish an Office of the Special Investigator for Competition Matters at USDA that would work in conjunction with the Department of Justice to investigate and prosecute potential violations of the Packers and Stockyards Act. 

S.557 and H.R.1249 — Opportunities for Fairness in Farming Act of 2023 (OFF Act), led by Booker and Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., to tighten regulations on checkoff programs.

S.1809 — Proposal by Booker to create an Office of Small Farms within USDA.

S.1736 — The Farmers First Act of 2023 led by Sen. Tammy Baldwin, D-Wis., would reauthorize the Farm and Ranch Stress Assistance Network.

S.271 and H.R.797 — Farm System Reform Act of 2023, led by Booker and Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., would place a moratorium on large concentrated animal feeding operations. or CAFOs, and require country of origin labeling on beef, pork and dairy products.

H. R. 5203 —The Accelerating the Growth of Rural Innovation and Tourism Opportunities to Uphold Rural Industries and Sustainable Marketplaces (AGRITOURISM) Act would create an Office of Agritourism within USDA.